PHJ № 4 (48) 2025 — Table of contents
Contents of the issue of Petersburg Historical Journal № 4 (48) 2025
Petersburg Historical Journal № 4 (48) 2025
PHJ № 4 (48) 2025 — E. V. Koren. DECEMBRISM IN THE ASPECT OF THE EVOLUTION OF THE CIVIC CONSCIOUSNESS OF RUSSIAN SOCIETY
The article demonstrates that the mentality of the Decembrists, representing the noble intelligentsia, evolved in conjunction with the development of the political culture of society, the establishment of civil concepts of the fatherland, state and law, service, honour and duty. The Decembrist movement emerged in the context of the patriotic upsurge caused by the Patriotic War of 1812, contributing to the development of feelings of belonging to the people and the fatherland among educated military youth. The phenomenon of Decembrism was indicative of the transition of Russian society from the consciousness of subjects to that of citizens. The fundamental purpose of secret societies was to eliminate absolutism and serfdom, establish a constitution, and ensure the equality of citizens. The Decembrists demonstrated their revolutionary inclinations during the crisis of the interregnum of 1825. Conclusions were drawn: 1) the phenomenon of Decembrism is indicative of the advancement of Russian civic consciousness in the early 19th century, to the extent that it was able to challenge the prevailing power structure; 2) the Decembrists were unambiguous in their articulation of a civic position, representing an alternative to the prevailing autocratic-serf ideology; 3) the actions of the noble revolutionaries demonstrated an understanding of patriotism and service to the fatherland, with a focus on national interests; 4) Decembrism represented the first large-scale movement of the intelligentsia. The intelligentsia were those who defended civil law values and assumed historical responsibility for the fate of the country and the people. The findings of this study have the potential to inform future research on Decembrism, the mentality of the intelligentsia, and the civic development of Russian society.
PHJ № 4 (48) 2025 — V. S. Parsamov. REPUBLICAN PROJECTS IN THE DECEMBRIST MOVEMENT
The political projects of the Decembrists concerning the future structure of Russia were diverse, yet all were predicated on the establishment of a republican system in Russia. The tradition of contrasting the constitutional projects of P. Pestel and N. Muravyev as republican and constitutional-monarchical is the result of the transfer of later ideas to the Decembrists’ era. Within the political thought of the early 19th century, both projects were regarded as republican, with the primary distinction lying in the nature of the republican system itself. The two systems under discussion are Pestel’s parliamentary republic and Muravyev’s presidential one. In addition to the two projects previously described in detail in the works of their respective authors, there were at least two other projects that were not described in detail, but can be reconstructed from indirect evidence. The concept of a presidential republic, as outlined by N. Turgenev, deviates from Muravyov’s proposal by virtue of the heightened authority bestowed upon the president, in contrast to the imperial republic of the Order of Russian Knights, a concept elaborated upon within the milieu of M. A. Dmitriev-Mamonov and M. F. Orlov.
PHJ № 4 (48) 2025 — Yu. V. Kim. LANDOWNER, ARISTOCRAT, DECEMBRIST, DREAMER: V. A. MUSIN-PUSHKIN IN THE CONTEXT OF PRESCRIBED STATUSES AND NEW ROLES
Count V. A. Musin-Pushkin (1798–1854), a representative of the “young” generation of Decembrists, did not participate in the war with Napoleon or the foreign campaigns of the Russian army due to his age. The subject’s environment was that of an aristocratic family (his father being Catherine’s nobleman, archaeographer Count A. I. Musin-Pushkin). The material well-being that surrounded the count from childhood predetermined the range of occupations and spheres of activity of the young man from a wealthy family. Notwithstanding, V. A. Musin-Pushkin defiantly diverged from the conventional mores of the noble aristocracy, manifesting an unabashedly libertarian disposition and forging an autonomous trajectory for himself. The article, which is based on unpublished sources from Russian archives (namely, the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts, the Russian State Historical Archive, the State Archive of the Yaroslavl Region, and the Central State Archive of the City of Moscow), reveals the material conditions of V. A. Musin-Pushkin, his family atmosphere, and a picture of his daily activities, interests, and inclinations. The article also traces the fate of the young man after his release from arrest in the Decembrist case. In the challenging environment of supervision, V. A. Musin-Pushkin encountered his future wife and attained personal contentment despite the presence of impediments and adversity. Following the matrimony, the count and countess took up residence in the estate known as “Borisogleb” in the Mologsky district of the Yaroslavl province. The article discusses the activities of the Musin-Pushkin spouses in the management of the estate, as well as markers of the economic status and estate life.
PHJ № 4 (48) 2025 — V. A. Shkerin. A DISPUTE BETWEEN TWO GENERALS ABOUT SERFDOM
Those who participated in the Decembrist movement from its inception and disassociated themselves from it no later than the dissolution of the Union of Welfare (1821) were, in general, not subjected to retribution. Those who were released during the investigation (frequently even without personal participation in it) or emerged from the trial completely cleared of suspicion accounted for half of all the defendants (290 people). It is evident that a considerable proportion of individuals belonging to the secret society who evaded retribution and were subsequently punished indicates that one of the primary outcomes of the Decembrist movement was the edification of liberal-oriented figures during the second quarter and the middle of the 19th century. The article examines the attitudes of two generals and major administrators of the Nicholas I era towards the problem of exploitation of the labour of serfs. One such individual is V. A. Glinka, the chief head of the Ural mining plants, who, during his youth, was a member of the Decembrist Union of Prosperity society. The second is the director of the Imperial Military Academy and proprietor of metallurgical enterprises in the Urals, I. O. Sukhozanet, who is most renowned for personally directing the artillery bombardment of the Decembrist rebels on 14 December 1825. Sukhozanet advanced the argument that the manufacturer’s right to “baptised property” should be defended, proposing that for enlightened nobles, the management of serfs constituted a form of public service, an obligation to “direct the masses of uneducated people to strict subordination”. Glinka, however, was diametrically opposed to this. Without delving into the broader discourse on the prospects of serfdom, he advocated for stringent legislative oversight of the duties and rights of factory workers, thereby curtailing the prerogatives of the breeders.
PHJ № 4 (48) 2025 — P. V. Ilyin. MEMOIRS OF THE “SURVIVING” PARTICIPANTS OF THE DECEMBRIST MOVEMENT: FEATURES OF A RETROSPECTIVE VIEW
This represents a novel approach in historiography, whereby the memoirs of participants in clandestine societies and rebellions of 1825 who evaded a court sentence are regarded as a distinct category of Decembrist memoir sources. The diaries and memoirs published by members of the movement who were subjected to extrajudicial repression, released from punishment, or not involved in the investigation (F. N. Glinka, P. Kh. Grabbe, F. P. Litke, S. P. Shipov, and others) contain various kinds of descriptions or references to the previous Decembrist experience of memoirists. The article, in its concise form, underscores the author’s perspective on the memoirs of the “survived” Decembrists. These memoirs make references or omit information regarding participation in clandestine organisations, as well as involvement in the investigation into the political movement during the era of Alexander I. The article provides commentary on the concealment of their affiliation with such organisations, along with other distortions and omissions that are characteristic of memoirists within this series. The article employs a chronological approach to grading the memoirs, meticulously categorising them based on the time of their creation. This systematic grading method ranges from notes that emerged during the events of 1825–1826 to subsequent autobiographical recollections. Following an initial analysis, conclusions are drawn about the attitude of the “surviving” members of the Decembrist movement to their political past. This ranges from denial or concealment to recognition of belonging to secret societies and the conspiracy of 1825.
PHJ № 4 (48) 2025 — P. V. Sedov. OLD BELIEVERS IN THE VVEDENSKY TIKHVIN MONASTERY IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 17TH CENTURY
The article under scrutiny here focuses on the Old Believers of the Vvedensky Convent in Tikhvin in the latter half of the 17th century. The author conducted a detailed analysis of the adherence to the pre-Nikon rite in this convent, utilising newly obtained archival data as a foundation for their research. The authorities of the neighbouring Great Dormition Monastery utilised accusations of schism against the Vvedensky elders in a protracted land dispute, which subsequently served as the impetus for the eradication of the pre-Nikonian rite in that locale. For many years, the residents of the monastery maintained the traditional church rite. However, under pressure from the Nikonian authorities, they repented and did not openly resist. This tendency was prevalent among a significant proportion, perhaps even the majority, of Old Believers, a strategy that enabled them to endure adversity and maintain their spiritual beliefs in the face of oppression from the authorities.
PHJ № 4 (48) 2025 — V. G. Vovina-Lebedeva. PEASANT ELECTIONS IN VERKHOVAZHYE AT THE TURN OF THE 17TH–18TH CENTURIES
The article under scrutiny herein undertakes a thorough analysis of the election documents of 1704 for the Pezhemskaya volost, which have been preserved in the Archives of the St. Petersburg Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences. These materials serve to supplement extant information regarding Pezhma for a previously documented period, and have been incorporated into the scholarly discourse for some time. The analysis demonstrates that the peasants of the Pezhemskaya volost were compelled to hold elections in 1704 to fulfil certain obligations to the state on at least 17 occasions. Nevertheless, the notion of a total elective principle that became entrenched in the lives of northern peasants during the 17th century is not without its limitations. In the event of a clear and demonstrable connection between the world and state power through the elected, the internal life of the volost, which did not concern the collection of taxes or other duties to the authorities and was outside the electoral traditions, remained largely in the shadows.
PHJ № 4 (48) 2025 — D. V. Timofeev. REGULATION OF INTER-VERBAL INTERACTIONS AND THE SERFDOM ISSUE IN RUSSIA IN THE FIRST QUARTER OF THE 19TH CENTURY
In Russia during the first quarter of the 19th century, the quest for solutions to the issue of serfdom was inextricably intertwined with the government’s policy of regulating interactions between various estates and intra-estate groups within Russian society. The article, which is based on an analysis of archival materials, presents an analysis of the content and focus of discussions on measures to prevent the fraudulent sale of peasants and the development of ways to introduce a contractual model of relations between peasants and landowners. In this context, the article presents an analysis of the arguments of senators, members of the Department of Laws of the State Council and the Council of the Commission for the Drafting of Laws, expressed during the discussion of the draft submitted by the Minister of Internal Affairs O. P. Kozodavlev on allowing all free Russian subjects to acquire populated lands. Consequently, rhetorical techniques, semantic accents and ideological attitudes were employed to justify the rejection of the proposed measure, thereby demonstrating, firstly, the recognition of the importance of maintaining state control in the sphere of interclass relations and, secondly, the understanding of the need to transition from a model of precedent-based response to private abuses of power by landowners to a model of preventive resolution of potentially possible conflict situations through the introduction of the practice of contractual relations.
PHJ № 4 (48) 2025 — M. A. Kozlova. CASES OF “INSULTING HIS MAJESTY”: DETECTION MECHANISMS, MOTIVES OF PARTICIPANTS AND THE REACTION OF THE AUTHORITIES IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE IN THE FIRST QUARTER OF THE 19TH CENTURY
The present study is devoted to an examination of criminal offences committed against the Majesty in the first quarter of the 19th century. The article under scrutiny here elucidates the intricacies of recordkeeping, the processes involved in investigating cases, and the procedures for court decisions. The materials of the archives of the Senate and the State Council, which contain information on the procedure for filing charges, forms of denunciation and procedures of proceedings, are analysed. The difference between the approach to this type of crime at the local and central levels is demonstrated. It is imperative to undertake a thorough examination of the sources of information and to meticulously record any conversations that had a detrimental effect on the image of the monarch. The objective of the present study is to achieve an in-depth understanding of the historical process of the formation of the punitive policy of the Russian Empire regarding state crimes.