World War I

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PHJ № 3 (47) 2025 — P. G. Rogozny. THE RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH AND THE FIRST WORLD WAR: THE TRANSFORMATION OF RELIGIOUS PERCEPTION AND THE USE OF WAR BY THE BOLSHEVIKS IN ANTI-CLERICAL PROPAGANDA AFTER THE REVOLUTION

The Russian Orthodox Church provided unwavering support to the Russian Empire, which subsequently entered the war that would subsequently be designated the First World War. It is noteworthy that the Church regarded the war as a patriotic undertaking, among other considerations. However, the initial surge of patriotism was soon superseded by the onset of a challenging period of trench warfare. Upon assuming power in 1917, the Bolsheviks regarded the Church as an ideological adversary. A primary tenet of the left-wing parties’ anti-clerical propaganda asserted that the Church endorsed the “bloody imperialist war”. The ecclesiastical institution in question was accused of violating fundamental Christian tenets and commandments. This propaganda had a significant impact on the peasant masses, who predominantly adhered to religious beliefs. The endeavours of the Church and the religious community to respond to the Bolsheviks and left-wing parties in general, through the use of counter-propaganda, have largely been unsuccessful.

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PHJ № 3 (47) 2025 — E. N. Nazemetseva. RUSSIAN DRAFT DODGERS AND DESERTERS IN CHINA DURING WORLD WAR I

Based on archival materials introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, the article analyzes the previously unexplored problem of draft dodgers and deserters from the Russian army in China during the First World War. The entry of the Russian Empire into the First World War caused serious changes in the life of the state. The mobilization of a huge number of subjects into the army had a drastic impact on the economic, political and social life of the empire. Despite the patriotic upsurge of the majority of the population in the first months of the war, a significant part of Russian citizens did not share these sentiments and sought to avoid being sent to the front, fearing involvement in military operations. Among the draft dodgers were representatives of different segments of the population and ethnic groups. Evaders and deserters moved inland to Siberia and the Far East, and subsequently left the empire. The main focus of the escapes was China, which occupied a neutral position in the war until 1917. The lower ranks of the Russian police and border guard service, as well as the Russian and Chinese local populations, helped the dodgers in organizing their escapes abroad. A network of clandestine migration routes from Russia to China gradually developed. Having arrived in China, as a rule, by rail, the fugitives settled in Harbin, Tianjin, Changchun, and Dalny, then received new documents and financial assistance from employees of German concessions, Russian nationals who settled in China, who were opposed to the Russian authorities, as well as from various criminal elements. The latter have gradually established an illegal business selling forged documents. After receiving new documents, the draft dodgers and deserters sought to leave China and followed first to the Philippine Islands, Hong Kong, and then, as a rule, to the United States. Some stayed in China and joined the American army units based here. The problem of Russian draft dodgers and deserters testifies to the serious crisis of the Russian Empire during the First World War, and also demonstrates the important nuances of its relations with neighboring countries of the Far Eastern region.

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PHJ № 3 (47) 2025 — K. V. Godunov. DEBATES ON CIVIL WAR DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR

This article examines how the debates that took place during the First World War influenced the dissemination of the concept of “civil war” and the impact this had on the political situation of the time. Particular attention is paid to discussions within the radical socialist milieu. It is demonstrated that the proponents of the slogan advocating the transformation of the imperialist war into a civil war — first and foremost, V. I. Lenin and his supporters — acted within a specific historical and ideological context. They took into account the earlier discursive articulations of civil war as well as the experiences of socialists in other countries, particularly the rhetoric of Karl Liebknecht. Drawing on the views of prominent Bolsheviks such as A. G. Shlyapnikov, A. M. Kollontai, and N. I. Bukharin, the study shows that not all members of the party unequivocally supported Lenin’s call for civil war. Even among Lenin’s prominent allies, interpretations of the slogan varied, with differing views expressed regarding its meaning and practical implementation. Debates about the means of ending the global conflict and about the prospects for revolution and civil war were significant in several respects. During the First World War, the Bolsheviks acquired the reputation of being the “party of civil war”. This image played a major role in various anti-Bolshevik propaganda campaigns in 1917, even though in reality, not all members of the party fully endorsed Lenin’s position. Disputes surrounding the transformation of the imperialist war into a civil war contributed to the cultural preparation for internal conflict. The notion of “civil war” gained renewed momentum and expanded its reach; its articulation during the crises of the First World War contributed to the radicalisation of the political situation. These debates among socialists led party activists at various levels — regardless of their agreement or disagreement with the necessity of civil war — to engage with the idea and to participate in the development of a political language centred around violence.

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PHJ № 3 (47) 2025 — V. B. Aksenov. WAR AND BLASPHEMY: CRIMINAL CASES OF INSULTS TO THE IMPERIAL FAMILY DURING THE RUSSO-JAPANESE AND WORLD WAR I AS A HISTORICAL SOURCE

Cases of insults against members of the imperial family are a valuable source for studying public sentiments and the images of power formed in them; they allow reconstructing the portrait of an average insulter, as well as demonstrating the paradoxes of state practices of counteracting obscene statements. The sources show that the obscene political discourse of the Russo-Japanese War period, despite a comparable number of cases to that of World War I, is less diverse and emotional, with less prevalent infernal characterizations of members of the royal family and less pronounced eschatological sentiments and political rumors. The author believes that the state’s struggle against insults to power cannot be considered successful — in a number
of cases legislation and judicial practice contributed to the spread of insulting political discourse, creating relevant precedents and thus intensifying socio-political conflicts of the war era.

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PHJ № 3 (47) 2025 — S. G. Nelipovich. THE ROMANIAN CAMPAIGN: COMBAT LOSSES (SEPTEMBER 1916 — JANUARY 1917)

The combat losses of the opposing armies are indicative not only of the casualties and the intensity of the fighting, but also a factor in assessing the combat effectiveness of the troops. The article, which is based on documents from the State Military Historical Archive of Bulgaria (DVIA), the Russian State Military Historical Archive (RGVIA), the Austrian State Archive (ÖStA), the Bavarian Main State Archive (BayHSA), and information collected by researchers from different countries, identifies and clarifies the losses of the armies of Bulgaria, Romania, Austria-Hungary, the German, Ottoman and Russian Empires during the Romanian campaign (September 1916 — January 1917). The substantial losses sustained by the Romanian army in Transylvania, particularly in Dobrudzha, were a contributing factor to the defeat of the Romanian forces in the autumn and winter of 1916. This ultimately resulted in the loss of Wallachia and Bucharest. Researchers have not yet reached a consensus on the precise figure for the size of the losses suffered by the Romanian army, which is estimated to be between 300 thousand and 500 thousand men. The losses sustained by the Russian armies of the Romanian Front are documented for the first time (totalling up to 262 thousand men). The losses sustained by the armed forces of the Quadruple Alliance during the Romanian campaign of 1916 were significant, with a total of 167,000 casualties recorded. This was primarily attributable to the intensity of the hostilities. The Bulgarian army suffered significant losses, with estimates reaching up to 55,000 casualties.

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PHJ № 3 (47) 2025 — D. Yu. Kozlov. “THIS WAS THE ACHILLES’ HEEL OF THE RUSSIAN COLOSSUS…”: ON THE ROLE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE BLACK SEA THEATER OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR

The article under scrutiny herein undertakes a thoroughgoing analysis of the impact of the struggle between the Russian and Ottoman navies on the course and outcome of the First World War. The author’s primary focus is on the impact of naval operations in the Black Sea on the economic and, to a certain extent, socio-political situation in Russia and Turkey. It is concluded that the results of the struggle in the Black Sea, principally the actions of the opposing fleets on maritime communications, largely catalysed the economic and political problems in the Russian and Ottoman Empires, which ultimately led to their military defeat and subsequent disintegration.