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PHJ № 1 (49) 2026 — A. I. Rupasov. THE ELECTION OF PEOPLE’S JUDGES IN LENINGRAD IN 1950 AND 1953

The article analyzes the reasons for the procedural violations in the election of people’s judges in Leningrad in 1950 and 1953. In both cases, the election campaigns were repeatedly postponed, a practice that was no longer permitted from the mid‑1950s onward. As a result, the significant shortage of qualified legal personnel became even more severe. The postwar restoration and development of Leningrad led to an increase in citizens’ lawsuits filed with the courts (especially in civil cases). The improper conduct of judicial election campaigns, which consequently prevented the timely establishment of new judicial districts, had detrimental effects, including not only delays in court proceedings but also a considerable number of judicial errors. The procedural violations in the election of people’s judges were driven by political reasons: in 1950, due to the campaign to purge the party-administrative apparatus related to the so-called “Leningrad Affair”, and in 1953, the death of I. V. Stalin created a situation of uncertainty for the city leadership. In both instances, the city authorities had reason to exercise additional caution in selecting candidates for the position of people’s judge.

PHJ № 1 (49) 2026 — A. M. Skvortsov. POSTGRADUATE HISTORICAL STUDIES IN 1941–1945: PROBLEMS OF ADAPTING THE SYSTEM OF ACADEMIC TRAINING TO WARTIME CONDITIONS

This article examines the specific features of postgraduate education in history during the Great Patriotic War. Drawing on statistical data, legal regulations, administrative records, and personal documents, the author analyzes how wartime mobilization and the general context of war influenced the training of highly qualified academic personnel. The article highlights challenges related to student recruitment, the quality of academic preparation, and the shifting focus of postgraduate activity toward propaganda work and the production of popular literature — trends that had a tangible impact on dissertation research. Concrete examples reveal a tendency to narrow the scope of dissertation topics to individual sources or specific historians which led to an increase in historiographical and source-critical studies during the war years. Starting in 1943, the All-Union Committee for Higher Education sought to tighten its oversight of postgraduate training. This was to be achieved through formal bureaucratic procedures — including the introduction of individual work plans, reporting activities, and scheduled evaluations — and by strengthening the responsibility of the academic advisor. In both administrative practice and normative documents, particular attention was given to the advisor’s role, with an emphasis on intensifying their engagement with the candidate.

PHJ № 1 (49) 2026 — E. N. MALM. IN THE MILLSTONES OF TIME. NEW DOCUMENTS

The article is dedicated to the fate of E. N. Malm. With his inseparable friend M. A. Bogdanov after the split of the Socialist Revolutionary Party they became members of her left wing and employees of the Cheka in 1918 year, sent to Petrograd to infiltrate the German consulate. After the events of July 6–7, 1918 they become resolute opponents of the Bolsheviks. They conducted underground work in the Smolensk, Vitebsk, and Kazan provinces. When they were arrested in Kazan in October 1919 they shot the former Left Socialist Revolutionary, the Cheka agent Zhuravlev (Petrov), and fled. They were detained on April 19, 1920, after a shootout. On September 29, 1920, the Moscow Revolutionary Tribunal issued a decision on their release. But then they were again arrested by the Chekists. In August 1921, made the armed escape from Tagansky prison, passed to illegal status, tried to recreate in 1922 the illegal organization of the left Social Revolutionaries internationalists in Petrograd. Being once again arrested, they were in exile in Siberia. After the death of M. A. Bogdanov in 1924 E. N. Malm continued for some time political activity. At the end of the term of exile in 1926, having moved to the Crimea, he became a specialist in Black Sea dolphins and algae. He was subjected to new arrests, and in 1938 he was invited as a senior researcher to the Neurochirurgical Institute in Leningrad. He was once again arrested in September 1941 and tragically died in October 1941 during a stage in Lake Ladoga.

PHJ № 1 (49) 2026 — G. V. Krivchenkov. FORMS OF CHARITY DURING THE RUSSO-TURKISH WAR OF 1877–1878 (BASED ON MATERIALS FROM THE SMOLENSK PROVINCE)

The article deals with the organization and holding of charitable events during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 in the Smolensk province. The main attention is paid to the joint work of the provincial administration of the Red Cross, city government bodies and the landed gentry in opening hospitals in the province. Ladies of the noble class participated in the organization of charity circles at the provincial administration of the Red Cross. Ladies’ circles provided daily care for the sick sent by the Kyiv evacuation commission to the province for treatment. Material support for ladies’ circles was provided by the landed gentry. The activities of the Russian Orthodox Church in collecting donations for the army and navy, the role of the peasant community in providing material assistance to soldiers and their families are examined. In order to collect funds, the clergy established a collection of donations from parishioners during the liturgy, and the parish clergy accepted humanitarian aid for the army from local residents. Due to poverty, Smolensk peasants often participated in charitable events by collecting food and things that they themselves used in everyday life. Peasants donated warm clothes for the transportation of wounded soldiers from railway stations to medical institutions in the winter. The peasant community made decisions on collecting donations at village meetings. According to reports from Red Cross commissioners and officers, the humanitarian aid from Smolensk was of
good quality. The author concludes that the mass participation of the population in charitable activities during the war years is associated with the idea of its fair nature.

PHJ № 1 (49) 2026 — A. A. Efimov. THE INITIAL STAGE OF PUBLIC TRANSPORT DEVELOPMENT IN PALACE CITIES: STAGECOACHES AND OMNIBUSES IN THE 1830S — EARLY 1850S

The article addresses one of the important issues of the existence of palace towns in the 19th century, highlighting the initial stage of public transport development in these settlements. In relation to the period under consideration, the author recognizes stagecoaches and omnibuses owned by companies or private entrepreneurs as such. The article notes that until the 1830s, multi-seat carriages operated only for trips between the capital, St. Petersburg and the nearest residences, Tsarskoye Selo and Peterhof. The main player in this field was the Society of the Initial Establishment of Stagecoaches, founded in 1820, which worked in both directions. At the same time, it also had local competitors. The opening of the Tsarskoye Selo Railway in the autumn of 1837 created serious competition for the Company, but entrepreneurs responded promptly, opening in 1838 a service between Gatchina and Tsarskoye Selo to replace the route from the capital, which had become unprofitable. In the following decade and a half, several new entrepreneurs appeared in the sphere of stagecoach service, organizing trips along the already mentioned routes St. Petersburg — Tsarskoye Selo, St. Petersburg — Peterhof and Tsarskoye Selo — Gatchina, and opening a service between Tsarskoye Selo and Pavlovsk, as well as intracity transportation, in Tsarskoye Selo to the railway station, and in Peterhof — to the steamship pier. The progressive development of railway service by the 1850s increasingly complicated the existence of stagecoach service. At the same time, officials, on the one hand, tightened the conditions for entrepreneurs, ordering the Gatchina — Tsarskoye Selo line to synchronize the frequency of arrival and departure of crews with the train schedule, and on the other hand, they tried to prevent the complete ruin of already operating entrepreneurs, limiting competition in the conditions of unstable passenger flow, which did not guarantee significant income even for the only transporter.

PHJ № 1 (49) 2026 — V. V. Kalendarova, A. A. Meschenina. THE ANGLO-RUSSIAN WAR OF 1807–1812 AND THE RUSSIAN OFFICIAL PRESS (BASED ON MATERIALS FROM THE SEVERNAYA POCHTA OR NOVAYA SANKT-PETERBURGSKAYA GAZETA, 1809–1810)

Russia’s official foreign policy toward England in late 1809–1810 can be partially traced through publications in the Ministry of Internal Affairs newspaper, “Northern Mail, or New St. Petersburg Newspaper” (Severnaya Pochta, or Novaya Sankt-Peterburgskaya Gazeta). At this time, the few military clashes of the formally ongoing Anglo-Russian War of 1807–1812 were already over, but Russia remained a participant in the Continental Blockade imposed by Napoleon I Bonaparte to isolate Great Britain, undermine its economy, and force its capitulation. An analysis of Severnaya Pochta publications from November 1809 (when the newspaper was first published) to the end of 1810 allows us to conclude that the “hot” phase of the Anglo-Russian conflict at this time gave way to an obvious informational confrontation. The rivalry between the two empires was reflected in accusations that the British were bribing European journalists to foment war on the continent, condemnatory and derisive publications regarding British diplomacy, and descriptions of British military failures.

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PHJ № 1 (49) 2026 — N. A. Khrebtov. “THE ERADICATION OF ENEMIES AND CRIMINALS”: THE PERFORMANCE OF POLICE AND FISCAL TASKS BY MILITARY PERSONNEL OF THE GARRISONS OF THE NORTH OF RUSSIA IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 18TH CENTURY

Garrison troops, as an integral part of the Russian army, were created under Peter the Great. During the 18th century, they were reformed and underwent structural changes. In addition, the functionality of this type of troops has also changed. Extensive modern historiography devoted to service in the garrisons in the 18th century examines the problems of military service and tasks but does not provide a comprehensive assessment. The funds of the State Archive of the Arkhangelsk Region and the National Archive of the Republic of Karelia store a significant number of reports, lists, orders and other materials covering this topic in detail. Based on the analysis of the Russian North garrisons’ office records and legislative acts, it was possible to conclude that police and fiscal tasks occupied an important place in the official duties of the garrison officer.

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PHJ № 4 (48) 2025 — V. A. Orav. RESIDENTIAL BUILDINGS OF THE HISTORICAL CENTER OF LENINGRAD IN 1949 — LATE 1980S AS AN OBJECT OF URBAN PLANNING POLICY

The historical center of St. Petersburg and its associated group of suburbs were recognized as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1990. Well-preserved, despite the revolution, the Great Patriotic War and the siege, the city’s ordinary buildings became a significant factor in the designation of St. Petersburg as a major site of cultural heritage of humanity. Nevertheless, the old St. Petersburg was given to us in a changed form. The pre-revolutionary dwelling houses were demolished or rebuilt. A significant factor in these changes was comprehensive capital repair (CCR). The essence of the CCR was the replacement of all structural elements of the building (roof, ceilings, etc.) apart from brick walls only. In order to assess the degree of the impact on the historical center of Leningrad — St. Petersburg preservation, it is necessary to calculate the number of repaired and demolished houses. In this article (without claiming to finalize the conclusions) the calculation attempt is done. In the historiography this problem has not yet received coverage. From the early 1950s until 1981, the CCR was undergone 4.5 million square meters of residential space. Between 1950 and 1969, 3,113 houses were renovated. For the next two decades there is no data on the number of houses repaired, but a rough estimate is about another 1,420 houses. The total amount is about 4,533 houses, which is close to the data of the Housing Department of the Leningrad City Executive Committee of the early 1980s. During the 1980s, about 1.2 million square meters of total area (727 thousand residential, respectively) were subjected to CCR, and, therefore, about 625 houses. The total, according to preliminary calculations, is about 5158 houses for the whole Soviet period, but taking into account selective capital repairs. If we exclude the results of selective repairs, we can consider that about one third of the buildings was undergone comprehensive repair. To this we should also add that since the late 1970s about 30 houses have been demolished in the center. From the early 1960s to 1980, the number of pre-revolutionary houses in the center decreased from 7,619 to 7,411. Thus, the extent of the CCR impact on the preservation of the historic center should be recognized as significant.

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PHJ № 4 (48) 2025 — Yu. S. Nikiforov. “NOW WE’LL LIVE! BREZHNEV AND KOSYGIN ARE NOT KHRUSHCHEV”: THE DYNAMICS OF REGIONAL POWER IN THE UPPER VOLGA REGIONS ON THE EVE OF AND IN THE FIRST YEARS AFTER THE RESIGNATION OF KHRUSHCHEV

The article employs an analytical approach to examine the personnel changes that occurred in the corps of first secretaries of the regional committees of the Upper Volga regions on the eve of and in the initial years following Khrushchev’s resignation. It is important to note that the division of the regional apparatus of power in 1962 according to the production principle and the appearance of two first secretaries of the regional committee (industrial and rural) significantly affected the dynamics of regional power. It is noteworthy that the primary responsibility for communication with the center was assigned to the “senior secretary”. The material pertaining to the party power of the Upper Volga region discloses the practices of replacing key nomenclature The article employs an analytical approach to examine the personnel changes that occurred in the corps of first secretaries of the regional committees of the Upper Volga regions on the eve of and in the initial years following Khrushchev’s resignation. It is important to note that the division of the regional apparatus of power in 1962 according to the production principle and the appearance of two first secretaries of the regional committee (industrial and rural) significantly affected the dynamics of regional power. It is noteworthy that the primary responsibility for communication with the center was assigned to the “senior secretary”. The material pertaining to the party power of the Upper Volga region discloses the practices of replacing key nomenclature
posts in the regional government during the 1950s and 1960s. These include the transfer of experienced management personnel from region to region, the appointment of an ethnic Russian as a second secretary in the national (union) republics, and the consideration of the region’s production specialisation when appointing a regional leader. The publication presents a study of the personal characteristics of individual party leaders in the Upper Volga regions during the 1950s and 1960s. This study draws conclusions about two possible scenarios that may have occurred in the careers of the first secretaries of the Upper Volga regional committees in the period following Khrushchev’s resignation. The first scenario is the stabilisation of the power status in the region, and the second is the transfer of the first secretaries to Moscow to a higher post in the nomenclature hierarchy. The first option pertained to the case of Ponomarev and Loshchenkov, the respective party leaders of the Vladimir and Yaroslavl regions. The second variant was realised in the careers of the first secretaries of the Ivanovo and Kostroma regional committees — Kapitonov and Florentyev, respectively — who went to the capital for promotion. As was subsequently demonstrated, by the close of the 1960s, an emergent pattern of “regional political longevity” among the first secretaries of the regional committee had come to the fore, The article employs an analytical approach to examine the personnel changes that occurred in the corps of first secretaries of the regional committees of the Upper Volga regions on the eve of and in the initial years following Khrushchev’s resignation. It is important to note that the division of the regional apparatus of power in 1962 according to the production principle and the appearance of two first secretaries of the regional committee (industrial and rural) significantly affected the dynamics of regional power. It is noteworthy that the primary responsibility for communication with the center was assigned to the “senior secretary”. The material pertaining to the party power of the Upper Volga region discloses the practices of replacing key nomenclature posts in the regional government during the 1950s and 1960s. These include the transfer of experienced management personnel from region to region, the appointment of an ethnic Russian as a second secretary in the national (union) republics, and the consideration of the region’s production specialisation when appointing a regional leader. The publication presents a study of the personal characteristics of individual party leaders in the Upper Volga regions during the 1950s and 1960s. This study draws conclusions about two possible scenarios that may have occurred in the careers of the first secretaries of the Upper Volga regional committees in the period following Khrushchev’s resignation. The first scenario is the stabilisation of the power status in the region, and the second is the transfer of the first secretaries to Moscow to a higher post in the nomenclature hierarchy. The first option pertained to the case of Ponomarev and Loshchenkov, the respective party leaders of the Vladimir and Yaroslavl regions. The second variant was realised in the careers of the first secretaries of the Ivanovo and Kostroma regional committees — Kapitonov and Florentyev, respectively — who went to the capital for promotion. As was subsequently demonstrated, by the close of the 1960s, an emergent pattern of “regional political longevity” among the first secretaries of the regional committee had come to the fore, The article employs an analytical approach to examine the personnel changes that occurred in the corps of first secretaries of the regional committees of the Upper Volga regions on the eve of and in the initial years following Khrushchev’s resignation. It is important to note that the division of the regional apparatus of power in 1962 according to the production principle and the appearance of two first secretaries of the regional committee (industrial and rural) significantly affected the dynamics of regional power. It is noteworthy that the primary responsibility for communication with the center was assigned to the “senior secretary”. The material pertaining to the party power of the Upper Volga region discloses the practices of replacing key nomenclature posts in the regional government during the 1950s and 1960s. These include the transfer of experienced management personnel from region to region, the appointment of an ethnic Russian as a second secretary in the national (union) republics, and the consideration of the region’s production specialisation when appointing a regional leader. The publication presents a study of the personal characteristics of individual party leaders in the Upper Volga regions during the 1950s and 1960s. This study draws conclusions about two possible scenarios that may have occurred in the careers of the first secretaries of the Upper Volga regional committees in the period following Khrushchev’s resignation. The first scenario is the stabilisation of the power status in the region, and the second is the transfer of the first secretaries to Moscow to a higher post in the nomenclature hierarchy. The first option pertained to the case of Ponomarev and Loshchenkov, the respective party leaders of the Vladimir and Yaroslavl regions. The second variant was realised in the careers of the first secretaries of the Ivanovo and Kostroma regional committees — Kapitonov and Florentyev, respectively — who went to the capital for promotion. As was subsequently demonstrated, by the close of the 1960s, an emergent pattern of “regional political longevity” among the first secretaries of the regional committee had come to the fore, a phenomenon that can be attributed to the policy of “trust in personnel” espoused by Brezhnev. Following Khrushchev’s resignation, the center permitted the replacement of the post of first secretary of the regional committee with a representative of the local party organisation. This trend was manifestly evident in the Ivanovo region. a phenomenon that can be attributed to the policy of “trust in personnel” espoused by Brezhnev. Following Khrushchev’s resignation, the center permitted the replacement of the post of first secretary of the regional committee with a representative of the local party organisation. This trend was manifestly evident in the Ivanovo region. a phenomenon that can be attributed to the policy of “trust in personnel” espoused by Brezhnev. Following Khrushchev’s resignation, the center permitted the replacement of the post of first secretary of the regional committee with a representative of the local party organisation. This trend was manifestly evident in the Ivanovo region. posts in the regional government during the 1950s and 1960s. These include the transfer of experienced management personnel from region to region, the appointment of an ethnic Russian as a second secretary in the national (union) republics, and the consideration of the region’s production specialisation when appointing a regional leader. The publication presents a study of the personal characteristics of individual party leaders in the Upper Volga regions during the 1950s and 1960s. This study draws conclusions about two possible scenarios that may have occurred in the careers of the first secretaries of the Upper Volga regional committees in the period following Khrushchev’s resignation. The first scenario is the stabilisation of the power status in the region, and the second is the transfer of the first secretaries to Moscow to a higher post in the nomenclature hierarchy. The first option pertained to the case of Ponomarev and Loshchenkov, the respective party leaders of the Vladimir and Yaroslavl regions. The second variant was realised in the careers of the first secretaries of the Ivanovo and Kostroma regional committees — Kapitonov and Florentyev, respectively — who went to the capital for promotion. As was subsequently demonstrated, by the close of the 1960s, an emergent pattern of “regional political longevity” among the first secretaries of the regional committee had come to the fore, a phenomenon that can be attributed to the policy of “trust in personnel” espoused by Brezhnev. Following Khrushchev’s resignation, the center permitted the replacement of the post of first secretary of the regional committee with a representative of the local party organisation. This trend was manifestly evident in the Ivanovo region.

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PHJ № 4 (48) 2025 — K. A. Boldovskii. THE RECONSTRUCTION OF LENINGRAD DURING THE YEARS OF THE SIEGE — THE PRACTICE OF LABOR MOBILIZATIONS

The author conducts an analysis of the process of labour mobilisations of the Leningrad population during the Siege, with a view to restoring urban infrastructure and the economy. The population was engaged in activities contributing to the urban economy, thereby playing a pivotal role in ensuring the uninterrupted functioning of the Leningrad life support system during the Siege. The city’s leadership initiated the organisation of labour mobilisations at the onset of the war. The bureau of the City Party Committee, the Leningrad City Executive Committee and the Military Council of the Leningrad Front constituted the primary mobilisation management bodies. The resolution of the Leningrad City Executive Committee, adopted on June 27, 1941, defined the main categories of citizens who could be called up for labour mobilisation. The length of working hours and responsibility for evading labor mobilization were also determined. The administration of enterprises and institutions mobilised working residents of the city, while the management of educational institutions mobilised students. Household administrations at the place of residence mobilised non-working residents. During the initial phase of the war, extending until the spring of 1942, the majority of mobilised individuals were engaged in construction activities, including the erection of defensive structures, the execution of loading and unloading operations, the construction of bomb shelters, the remediation of the consequences of artillery shelling and bombing, the harvesting of firewood, and other associated tasks. In the initial period, there was a paucity of a clearly defined plan for mobilising the working population. By the onset of spring 1942, a functional management system for labour mobilisations had been formulated. This enabled the project to be expanded on a wide scale in 1942–1943.The most extensive measures involving the mobilisation of labour were implemented in the spring of 1942 (for the purpose of cleaning the city) and in the winter of 1942–1943 (for the purpose of clearing snow from the city and railway communications). Commencing in the autumn of 1943, the municipal administration established the primary objective of its operations as the organisation of work on the construction project. For its implementation, both mass labor mobilizations and mobilizations of certain categories of workers were widely used.